Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 244

Takano Isoroku didn't approach Lin Xinyi until the meeting was over, and asked, "How confident are you that the British won't hold a meeting with us?"

Lin Xinyi glanced at the sun outside. The climate here really resembled Sanya. He thought to himself, and replied aloud, "Halfway. The British have dominated the seas for almost two centuries. No one can guarantee that those British naval officers won't lose their minds, especially since this place is close to the equator. If they really go crazy, there's nothing I can do to stop them."

After a moment of silence, Takano said eagerly, "A 50% success rate is already quite high. If this hadn't happened, we wouldn't have been able to ask the Dutch for anything at all; the British would have 100% sided with the Dutch..."

For the British officers and men aboard the Usk River, this was by no means a pleasant holiday trip. Although their orders were to accompany the Dutch to Bali and prevent other forces from hindering their actions, the captain of the Usk River also received a secret order not to fire first, even if German warships attempted to intervene.

When the British lieutenant colonel saw two Japanese ships heading towards Bali, he encountered an unexpected problem: his allies, the Japanese, requested his assistance in rescuing their general trapped on the island and stopping the Dutch attack. After much deliberation, the British lieutenant colonel decided against intercepting the Japanese ships, but he did not offer any assistance either. He simply stood by and watched the conflict between the Japanese and Dutch warships. The Dutch, with their outdated coastal defenses, were no match for the Japanese.

End of this chapter

Chapter 769

When Makino Nobuaki received the call from Navy Minister Kawahara, he was completely bewildered. At that moment, he even felt a bit resentful of this new technology, the telephone, because he couldn't drag Kawahara out of the phone line and question him face-to-face about what kind of conflict had occurred in Southeast Asia.

Maki shouted angrily into the microphone, "Kawahara, don't try to fool me! This is definitely a Navy plan. Otherwise, why would your Navy ships go to Bali to rescue an Army lieutenant general? This is a Navy conspiracy, a conspiracy..."

Over the phone, Makino couldn't discern any change in Kawahara's emotions. Amidst the static, all Makino could hear was Kawahara's emotionless voice saying, "Minister Makino, now is not the time to discuss conspiracies. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs should lodge a protest with the British Minister as soon as possible. When our personnel were threatened by the Dutch, British warships chose to stand idly by, and even obstructed our warships at one point. We demand that Britain explain the aid terms of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance..."

Although still furious after hanging up the phone, Makino Nobuaki quickly summoned his secretary, who then arranged a meeting with British Minister Claude MacDonald. During the meeting, he subtly expressed his complaints about the British warships' failure to assist in the rescue of the trapped Japanese personnel.

MacDonald was also taken aback by the news, as he had not received any information that Britain would intervene in the Dutch conquest of Bali. However, as a British diplomat, he immediately dismissed Makino's protest, believing it to be a misunderstanding. He was also shocked by the Japanese warships' attack on Bali, as this had crossed the line previously drawn between Britain and Japan regarding spheres of influence in Southeast Asia.

Makino Nobuaki immediately corrected the British minister, saying, "Our warships only rescued our personnel and foreign friends who were trapped, and prevented the Dutch from carrying out a genocide against the island's indigenous people. This was not a war, but a humanitarian rescue. Our country has no territorial claims to Bali, and this does not violate the gentleman's agreement reached between our country and your country."

Before understanding the whole situation, MacDonald could only take a conservative stance, acknowledging that if the Japanese warships were only engaged in humanitarian aid, then they did not disrupt the peaceful order in Southeast Asia, and stated that Britain did not support the Dutch genocide against the indigenous people of Southeast Asia.

After the meeting, MacDonald immediately telegraphed the legations in London, the Straits Settlements, and Beijing, inquiring about what had happened in Bali and what my country's diplomatic stance was.

Sir Edward Grey, the British Foreign Secretary and the executor of the Liberal Party's foreign policy, advocated a Europe-first approach and thus consistently promoted Anglo-Japanese friendship. However, after stepping down, the Conservative Party, in order to maintain its political influence, focused more on Britain's overseas commercial interests, a point that garnered support from many British businessmen and military personnel.

In the Bali incident, Sir Edward Grey was essentially acquiescing to the status quo; the real driving force behind it was the governments of Australia, New Zealand, and the Straits Settlements, as well as some naval officers from the Royal Navy's China Squadron. These individuals, realizing after the formation of the Asian Alliance that the Japanese could potentially use the alliance's name to expand their influence in Southeast Asian affairs, attempted to resolve some disputes before the alliance's formal establishment.

Australia and New Zealand were the most concerned about Japan's approach to their territories because these two British overseas colonies had adopted a strict white policy, severely restricting immigration of people of color. They were also the main regions that actively opposed the Anglo-Japanese Treaty of Commerce and Navigation of 1894 and opposed joining the treaty in the colonial parliament.

Following the conclusion of the Second Anglo-Japanese Alliance, anti-Chinese sentiment in Australia shifted towards anti-Japanese sentiment, leading to strong advocacy for the establishment of an independent navy to defend Australia. The Royal Navy, somewhat reluctantly, proposed in 1909 the creation of a powerful Pacific Fleet, including the navy of the Dominion, to protect the Empire's Eastern interests.

This anti-Japanese sentiment in Britain's Eastern colonies fueled their support for the Dutch occupation of islands like Bali, cutting off Japan's access to the Pacific Ocean. This was the cause of the Bali Incident.

Sir Edward Grey, who advocated a Europe-first foreign policy, acquiesced to this plan, which did not align with his own foreign policy, because although the Liberal Party had formed a cabinet, its rise to power was due to rising internal social contradictions. In reality, the Liberal Party was not a strong party, especially in the army and navy where its influence was far less than that of the Conservative Party. With the escalating tensions between Britain and Germany, the Liberal Party had to face the reality that it was incapable of waging a war in Europe.

To ensure the Liberal cabinet wouldn't be thrown into disarray in the event of war in Europe, they needed the support of the Conservatives, a reality they had to accept despite the disruption to the Liberals' foreign policy. However, the Conservatives' adventurous policies in the East clearly failed; the Japanese were not intimidated and launched a resolute and swift counterattack, much to Sir Edward Grey's chagrin.

After the formation of the Liberal Party cabinet, it was committed to maintaining Anglo-Japanese relations to ensure that Japan remained Britain's most steadfast ally in the East, thereby protecting British interests there. To this end, Sir Edward Grey not only facilitated the awarding of the Order of the Garter to Emperor Meiji—an honor the emperor had long coveted and which was seen by the Japanese as recognition of their integration into Europe—but also...

At the same time, Sir Edward Grey also did his best to cover up many of the Japanese’s practices in diplomacy with Britain that were inconsistent with British politics. For example, the Japanese awarded medals to visiting British generals and expected them to wear the medals to events, which was not allowed in British politics. British military personnel could not publicly wear medals awarded by foreign monarchs without the permission of the King.

The Japanese delegation that visited Britain appointed two of Britain's most outstanding army and navy generals as attendants to the Emperor. This was a politically unusual practice for British military personnel, but in order to maintain Anglo-Japanese relations, Sir Edward Grey allowed the two British generals to accept the Japanese investiture.

However, amidst the friendly atmosphere fostered by the Liberal Party, British public opinion became increasingly hostile towards Japan. One reason was the commercial conflict between Britain and Japan. With Russia's defeat in the Far East, Japan's external security was guaranteed, and it also gained more influence on the East Asian continent. As a result, Japan began to implement protectionist policies for its domestic industries, which greatly frustrated British merchants.

The Russo-Japanese War ended in a Japanese victory, which British businessmen believed was largely due to British support. Therefore, they argued that Japan should further open its borders to British capital rather than adopt policies that exclude it. However, in reality, Japan not only strengthened the protection of its domestic industrial capital but also attempted to establish an Asian alliance to safeguard an exclusive unified Asian market. This led to a confrontation between British and Japanese capital cooperation.

Another factor that displeased the British was that, after its victory in the war against Russia, Japan's military strength had become capable of threatening British influence in the East. The British had originally envisioned Japan as a vassal state in the East, a beneficial balancing force used to contain British military power on the continent.

However, after the Japanese defeated the Russians, the Japanese army and navy suddenly became arrogant and were no longer as subservient to Britain as before. Sir Ian Hamilton, a pro-Japan figure in the British army and head of the British Military Observer Group during the Russo-Japanese War, published the first volume of his war memoirs in late 1907. This memoir had been reviewed by the British Foreign Office and the Japanese Legation in London before publication, but the following year, the Japanese army high command still expressed their dissatisfaction to the Garter Mission visiting Japan, believing the book offended the Japanese army.

In 1908, a fully revised version of his memoir was approved for publication. In the preface, Ian Hamilton left an intriguing, uncensored comment: "Flattery, flattery, exaggeration, hypocrisy—if not divorce, then a prelude to disillusionment." Lieutenant General Ian Hamilton privately stated that while he admired many aspects of Japan, he felt he could not form a friendship with any of them.

The Bali incident further heightened the Royal Navy's vigilance towards the Japanese Navy. Admiral Bridge, commander of the Royal Navy's China Squadron, expressed his views to London: the Japanese had clearly planned this, the China Squadron was not strong enough to deal with the full strength of the Japanese Navy, and if Germany and China supported Japan, the China Squadron would probably not even be able to hold Hong Kong and would have to retreat all the way to the Straits.

British Minister to China John Jordan made no secret of his dislike for the Japanese, believing that Japan's ambitions had already been sufficiently demonstrated in Korea and southern Manchuria. The Bali incident was merely another testament to his assessment of the Japanese: Japan would not be a maintainer of the Asian order, but rather an ambitious force seeking to replace Britain.

However, aside from criticizing Japanese ambitions, Jordan was unable to offer effective suggestions for containing Japan. After all, China was gradually breaking free from British diplomatic control and was increasingly developing an independent diplomatic consciousness. The principle of unity among the great powers and the Eastern order established by the Boxer Rebellion had been destroyed by the confrontation between Britain and France against Germany and the wars in the Far East.

Sir John Jordan found it increasingly difficult to use purely diplomatic means to mediate internal conflicts in China and align Chinese politics with Britain's diplomatic course in Asia. Sir Edward Grey was unlikely to support Sir John Jordan's proposal to strengthen the Royal Navy in Asia. There was now a consensus among the British public to strengthen the home fleet, and the presence of German warships on the British coastline was more infuriating than the potential loss of interests in the Far East.

The Liberal Party cannot afford to make the British people feel unsafe at this time, as that would mean the end of their rule. Furthermore, the approach of trying to compromise with Japan in exchange for Japan protecting British interests in the East also seems untenable after the Bali incident.

Sir Edward Grey had to consider Winston Churchill's advice. This nobleman, who had switched from the Conservative Party to the Liberal Party, still had many supporters within the Conservative Party. He was on the same page as Sir Edward Grey in terms of foreign policy, but they differed on the details. He opposed Anglo-American confrontation and believed that Anglo-American reconciliation was more important than the Anglo-Japanese Alliance.

The Conservative Party's foreign policy is isolationist, opposing not only Germany, France, and Russia in Europe, but also the United States across the Atlantic, and Japan in the Far East. In other words, the Conservative Party's foreign policy philosophy is that Britain is the architect of the world order, and any country that challenges this order is Britain's enemy.

This foreign policy was naturally beyond reproach during the Victorian era, but as other countries underwent the full Industrial Revolution, Britain was no longer capable of confronting the world. Therefore, Churchill's father began to favor easing domestic tensions and seeking allies for the British Empire in maintaining world order, which also led to the split within the Conservative Party.

Winston Churchill left the Conservative Party to join the Liberal Party because he believed the Conservatives were incapable of driving social change and that Britain's failure to implement social reforms would inevitably lead to civil war. Therefore, he decisively left the Conservatives and joined the Liberal Party. After the formation of the Liberal cabinet, leveraging the political resources left by his father, he quickly entered the cabinet and began to promote social reforms, improve social welfare, and support the reduction of overseas forces, strengthening homeland defense, and reducing naval spending.

Churchill's advocacy for Anglo-American reconciliation also received a response from the United States. After Taft came to power, he actively promoted the Anglo-American arbitration agreement in an attempt to reduce the risk of armed conflict between the two countries. The Americans' primary objective was also to dismantle the Anglo-Japanese alliance. After Russia's defeat in the Far East, the actual adversary of the Anglo-Japanese alliance had become the United States.

Sir Edward Grey had been wavering on Anglo-American relations, and the Bali unrest accelerated his view of easing tensions. Similarly, the US government was thrown into disarray by the sudden Bali unrest, as American public opinion vehemently condemned the Dutch military action that threatened the lives of American journalists in Bali.

Under the manipulation of capital, domestic public opinion in the United States is calling on the Great White Fleet, which is currently visiting Australia, to give Batavia a stern warning and to support the Asian alliance proposal to establish a no-arms zone.

The reason American capital sided with the Asian alliance was that American oil capital wanted to use the Bali incident to force the Dutch to loosen restrictions on American oil capital. With American oil capital gaining the right to build oil refineries in China and Japan, it also increased its interest in exploring for oil in Southeast Asia.

In pressuring the Dutch to lift restrictions on foreign capital in the East Indies, American, Japanese, and German capital sided with each other. Although the US government attempted to maintain neutrality, this diplomatic move drew criticism from the US Congress.

The British government quickly realized that it had no allies in the Bali conflict. The French were unwilling to intervene because the Germans were trying to escalate the situation into a full-blown conflict between the Asian Union and the Dutch East Indies government. Clearly, the Germans intended to use the incident to incite a direct confrontation between the Asian Union and Britain, something the French would not accept.

While the Chinese government opposed escalating the Bali incident, it condemned the Dutch armed invasion of Bali and supported the Japanese Navy's proposal to establish a no-arming zone. Privately, China told Britain that it opposed the use of force to resolve the Southeast Asian issue, but would not accept the discriminatory and massacre policies of European colonialists against people of color. If Britain decided to support the Dutch armed invasion of Bali, China would support the alliance's right to self-defense.

Sir Edward Grey was forced to suppress domestic criticism of Japan while simultaneously urging the Dutch government and the Asian Union to negotiate a solution to the Bali conflict. At this time, Europe was actually engulfed in massive floods and paid little attention to news from the East. 1910 was a global flood disaster, with torrential rains and floods occurring in both Europe and Asia. Under these circumstances, the water level in Paris was of greater concern to Europeans than the number of deaths in Bali.

Therefore, the standoff between British and Japanese warships in Bali was quickly suppressed by the British government. British newspapers only reported on the conflict between the Japanese and Dutch Royal Navys, while the legendary story of a Japanese admiral protecting Denpasar and preventing the Dutch from capturing the city made headlines in European newspapers.

However, the Bali incident caused a great stir in Asia. The first shock was the surrender of Dutch warships to Japanese warships. Although the Russian navy was far stronger than the Dutch navy, the impression of the Dutch as powerful was greater than that of the Russians, since Russia had hardly ever appeared in Southeast Asia.

Unlike the illusory sense of victory that the Battle of Cam Ranh Bay brought to Asians, the surrender of the Dutch warships this time made the various ethnic groups in Southeast Asia truly realize that the white people were not so powerful. The anti-Dutch movement, which had been gradually subsiding, surged up once again.

Similarly, the Dutch and British finally realized through this battle that the Japanese navy did indeed have the capability to destroy relatively backward warships in the South Seas, even if these backward warships were piloted by white people. This dealt another blow to the superiority of white people, and European colonists began to take seriously the threat posed by Asian peoples armed with modern weapons.

The second shock was the apparent inaction of the British in this battle, which led to doubts from other countries about Britain's ability to maintain global order.

Chapter 770

Dr. Paul Rohrbach, the German Consul General in Wuhan, complained to the Wuhan authorities that Japan's handling of the Bali incident was arbitrary and violated the principle of unity within the alliance.

The Wuhan authorities understood that the Germans' unspoken intention was to escalate the Bali incident into a conflict between the Asian Alliance and Britain and the Netherlands, thereby triggering a confrontation between the two sides. However, this decision was made after discussions between Wuhan and Lin Xinyi. Lin Xinyi had previously believed that the Germans should not be involved, otherwise they would definitely escalate the situation and ultimately force Britain to intervene.

The British might tolerate the independence of Bali and Sulawesi, but they would never allow the Germans to launch an attack on Java. After all, Java was the most suitable island for agriculture in the South Pacific, which was also the material basis for the Dutch to control the East Indies through Java.

The Malay Peninsula, under British occupation, was not as developed as Java. However, the Industrial Revolution improved the efficiency of maritime shipping, making the Strait of Malacca more commercially valuable than Batavia, which was built using the Westerlies. This established Singapore as a transportation hub controlling trade between Asia and Europe, which in turn led to the continuous development of the Malay Peninsula.

The British allowed the Dutch East Indies to exist because they did not want any major power to emerge on the islands of Java, Sumatra, and Borneo that would be hostile to Britain. Once the Germans showed interest in the Dutch East Indies, the British would clearly have to react and would no longer tolerate it.

Britain's current tolerance of the Japanese navy is based on the need to maintain the neutrality of the Asian alliance and avoid getting bogged down in a protracted colonial war in the Far East, forcing it to make compromises. The British are not worried about going to war with Germany in the Far East, but rather about Germany remaining neutral while Britain is at war with China and Japan; this would create significant problems for Britain's strategic layout in Europe.

Therefore, Lin Xinyi's prediction regarding the consequences of the Bali incident was that Britain would only guarantee the security of Java, Sumatra, and Borneo, and would not engage in naval conflict with Japan over Bali and Sulawesi, thus turning Japan into an enemy of Britain. Moreover, under the terms of the Asian Alliance, Britain would also need to consider the support of China and Germany for Japan. Therefore, this incident would ultimately be resolved through negotiations.

For the newly established Asian Union, the focus was not on defeating the British and Dutch, but on giving Asian peoples hope that a united Asian people could force the colonizers to make concessions, thereby establishing their confidence in the Union.

The Wuhan Workers' Party agreed with Lin Xinyi's views. Although China's internal problems had not yet been fully resolved, the Wuhan side was engaged in fierce struggles with the Beiyang government in Shandong, the Northwest, and the Northeast.

The Northeast issue lay in development. Under the leadership of the Beiyang government, the Chinese government planned to borrow £1600 million from a four-nation banking consortium consisting of Citibank (USA), HSBC (UK), Deutsche Bank (Germany), and Banque de l'Indochine (France) to develop resources in Manchuria and Mongolia. Wuhan did not oppose the loan, but it opposed the harsh terms and demanded oversight of the loan's use to ensure that the money was used for construction projects and not for the Beiyang government's military expansion.

Meanwhile, plague was discovered in the Republic of Chita. Unlike the Russian government, the Republic of Chita immediately warned cities along the Chinese Eastern Railway and established a joint epidemic prevention team with China. However, this allowed the Beiyang government to take the opportunity to cut off railway transport to Chita and Harbin, which aroused strong protests from Wuhan.

The situation in the Northwest region has largely settled. With the opening of the Luoyang-Xi'an railway, it has become difficult for the Northwest region to escape Wuhan's control. Moreover, Wuhan is also leading the construction of railways from Chengdu to Xi'an, Taiyuan to Xi'an, and Datong to Baotou. Every step forward in these railways represents a strengthening of Wuhan's industrial power's control over the Northwest. The Beiyang government can only counter this industrial power by offering official positions and promises to local forces in the Northwest. Even Yuan Shikai felt that the situation in the Northwest was only going to drag on day by day, and it was unlikely to be reversed because the Beiyang government did not have the ability to support the forces in the Northwest.

The Shandong issue was the most fiercely contested issue between the Beiyang and Wuhan authorities. With Germany returning the Jiaozhou Bay leased territory and the Jiaoji Railway, the Beiyang authorities naturally wanted to take over all the German property in Shandong. However, this naturally provoked opposition from Wuhan authorities, because most of the funds for purchasing the German property in Shandong were raised by Wuhan authorities, and Wuhan authorities would certainly not allow the Beiyang authorities to seize these properties.

Moreover, although the Beiyang government claimed to be in the name of the state to demand the acceptance of the railway line and various industries in Qingdao, the area under its rule had long become a private domain for officials of all ranks. In name, the rule of the Qing Dynasty had ended, but this rule was merely the removal of the Manchu officials from the Han Chinese bureaucrats, rather than the overthrow and reconstruction of the Manchu bureaucratic system.

The people under the Beiyang government still lived in the era of the dynasty. Apart from some port cities and cities along the railway, they could hardly feel the changes brought about by the end of the Qing Dynasty.

For example, in the spring of 1910, Laiyang, Shandong Province, was hit by a severe frost, the wheat harvest was hopeless, grain prices soared, and nine out of ten rural households ran out of food. Corrupt officials and local tyrants, under the guise of implementing the so-called "new policies," imposed all sorts of exorbitant taxes and levies, arbitrarily imposing them on the people and extorting them in every way, causing the people's burden to "increase by dozens of times."

This common practice under the Qing Dynasty remained unchanged under the Beiyang government. In Shandong, disaster-stricken people formed a "United Villages Association," demanding the return of the "stored grain" they had previously paid as disaster preparedness. This demand was refused by officials and local gentry, sparking a popular uprising. Ultimately, it was only through Wuhan's opposition to the Beiyang government's military intervention and the allocation of grain for disaster relief that the unrest in Shandong was quelled.

The most severely affected area in 1910 was actually the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River. In the summer, the Hubei and Hunan regions suffered from severe flooding, and in the late summer, Anhui and other places experienced continuous heavy rains, turning almost the entire area between the Yangtze and Huai Rivers into lakes. It was at this time that Wuhan's nascent industrial base played a significant role in disaster relief, not only providing assistance to the disaster victims in the Jianghuai region but also having the capacity to deal with disaster victims in Shandong and support the plague relief efforts in the Chita region.

In contrast, the Beiyang government did almost nothing, instead sending a delegation to Japan to offer condolences to flood victims. Because the Beiyang government ignored the disaster victims in Shandong and the plague prevention efforts in northern Manchuria, its act of visiting Japanese disaster victims instead drew heavy criticism from public opinion.

The Beiyang government officials, on the contrary, felt that these newspaper reporters were simply ignorant. After all, during the Qing Dynasty, the disaster relief system had long since collapsed. During the Dingwu Famine, five northern provinces were affected, and the death toll exceeded ten million. But back then, who would criticize the government for its ineffective disaster relief? Yet now these newspapers dare to criticize the government for its ineffective disaster relief.

The Beiyang clique believed that Wuhan was manipulating public opinion to attack them, further deteriorating relations between the two sides. However, regardless of the worsening relations, Wuhan's ability to mobilize resources and manpower in response to the disaster forced Yuan Shikai and other Beiyang leaders to remain calm. Even Wang Shizhen, who was most hostile to Wuhan, believed that Wuhan's strength in disaster relief was beyond the Beiyang's ability to resist, and that a conflict with Wuhan at this time would only lead to self-humiliation.

While Wuhan focused its efforts on disaster relief and production recovery in the north and the Jianghuai region, it did not neglect the southwest. The Yunnan-Vietnam Railway opened in 1910, providing Yunnan, an inland province, with a convenient route out of the province; however, this route was controlled by the French. Therefore, Wuhan began to expedite the exploration of a railway line from Chengdu to Kunming and also paid close attention to the situation in Southeast Asia.

Although China at that time lacked the resources to exert significant influence in Southeast Asia, the Wuhan Workers' Party still endorsed Lin Xinyi's proposition that Asian national independence movements would force the great powers to further disperse their forces in China, ultimately reducing the likelihood of their intervention in the Chinese revolution. While China was currently unable to provide effective support for the Southeast Asian revolutions, once the Chinese revolution succeeded, it would inevitably demand the liberation of the colonized peoples of Southeast Asia, thereby breaking the great powers' blockade of the Chinese revolution.

Unlike Sun Yat-sen and other national revolutionaries, the Wuhan Workers' Party believed that revolution was not merely about national independence, but more importantly, about the comprehensive transformation of feudal peasant society to establish an industrial society. Since the foundation of an industrial society is labor exchange rather than self-sufficiency, the nationalists' attempt to close the door and focus on construction after a revolutionary victory was clearly unworkable.

Over the years, relying on German capital and technology, Wuhan's industrial achievements have surpassed those of the nearly thirty-year Self-Strengthening Movement of the Qing Dynasty, especially in the development of the steel industry. Wuhan has finally become more than just a Hanyang Ironworks; it has developed an entire steel industry, from ore smelting to steel products, all of which can be completed locally.

The impact of this industrial cluster is that although the floods in May and June caused significant damage to Wuhan, the city was able to fully resume production and life in just 43 days. This was unimaginable in the agricultural era. If Wuhan had encountered such a once-in-fifty-year flood in the past, it would have taken two or three years to recover.

The immense material supply capacity brought about by the industrial base led the Wuhan Workers' Party to further endorse industrialization rather than an agrarian economy. Furthermore, the global proletarian unity that accompanied industrialization further purged the party's advocacy of completing the revolution within a single country. Therefore, German discontent with the Japanese navy did not gain Wuhan's approval; Wuhan expressed its support for the Japanese navy's stance of not escalating the incident, thus suppressing the Germans.

The Germans also realized that although the Pacific Federation was merely a shadow government of Germany in Asia, as long as Germany could not make its voice heard, the Pacific Federation would not be able to force Japan and China to submit to its will. After all, the Pacific Federation itself was too weak, and without the guarantee of Japan and China, it could not stand up to its neighboring countries independently. If Germany forcibly protected the Pacific Federation, it would be tantamount to breaking the Pacific Federation's neutral status and depriving the Pacific Federation of its diplomatic space.

When Germans encountered this diplomatic issue for the first time, internal debate erupted. After all, Germany was not Britain, whose mainland and overseas dominions had extensive experience in diplomatic maneuvering, an experience derived from American independence. The Germans had not yet learned how to manage dominions, nor how to enable them to utilize their independent status for diplomacy. Therefore, in the Bali incident, the Japanese retained the upper hand.

While Nobuaki Makino was dissatisfied with the Navy's undermining of Japan's diplomatic leadership—the incident in Bali clearly exceeded the Navy's authority—the Navy, backed by the Asia Alliance agreement, escaped the constraints of the Japanese Constitution, thus legitimizing its actions. However, from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs' perspective, the Navy's behavior remained unconstitutional.

However, the Navy also left the Ministry of Foreign Affairs with enough room to maneuver. This incident was not only a negotiation between Japan and the Netherlands, but also represented the newly established Asian Alliance's statement to various countries. The Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs gained the power to intervene in Asian affairs through the Asian Alliance by taking advantage of the Bali incident, which made Makino have to deal with the aftermath for the Navy.

The Japanese army was the most affected by the Bali incident, especially the Choshu faction within the army. Lieutenant General Hideaki Tojo, who had been suppressed by the Choshu faction, was hailed by Western newspapers as a defender of humanitarianism during the incident. In the face of the Dutch armed forces, Tojo risked his life to negotiate with the Dutch army on the battlefield, protecting the royal city of Denpasar, which led to the Japanese navy's request for assistance.

The praise from Western newspapers was quickly quoted by Japanese newspapers, who added the title of "moral exemplar of Japanese soldiers" to Tojo Hideaki. They also questioned why the Minister of the Army did not recommend Tojo Hideaki as a candidate for the Military Ethics Committee. Navy Minister Kawahara timely added fuel to the fire, stating that as the Commander of the Marine Corps, the Navy also had the right to recommend Tojo as a candidate.

These reports not only revealed Lieutenant General Tojo's experience of being suppressed within the army, but also sparked public interest in the Military Ethics Committee, an auxiliary body under the cabinet, thus putting the Choshu faction in a difficult position. Although the Choshu faction had previously accepted the establishment of the Military Ethics Committee, they were essentially unwilling to acknowledge its power to interfere in military affairs. Therefore, they consistently advocated for a temporary institution and lowering the qualifications of its personnel, attempting to turn it into a dispensable bureaucratic body.

However, the current public acclaim for Hideaki Tojo has led to an increase in the social influence of the Military Ethics Committee, and the Army's attempt to suppress the influence of this new organization has almost failed.

Yamagata Aritomo convened a meeting of high-ranking army officials to discuss countermeasures. During the meeting, he angrily threw a newspaper praising Tojo in front of everyone and said, "When did Tojo become the representative of the army? Tamura, you are the Minister of the Army. Why didn't you deny it when the officers of the Ministry of the Army were interviewed by the newspaper?"

Tamura had anticipated Yamagata's anger, and he calmly stated, "The reporter asked who the Army considered to possess more of the military ethics required by the Army, Prince Kazuhito or Lieutenant General Tojo. The Ministry of the Army could only choose Lieutenant General Tojo. As for the newspaper's claim that Tojo was the Army's model soldier, that was clearly an exaggeration and not the opinion of the Ministry of the Army."

After listening, Hasegawa Yoshimichi interjected, "If that's the case, why doesn't the Army Ministry investigate the reporter's responsibility for making false reports?"

When Katsura Taro heard this, he couldn't help but defend Tamura, saying, "That would be inappropriate. The newspapers are already saying that Lieutenant General Tojo was driven out of the army by our Choshu faction. If we sue the reporter for this exaggerated statement, it will only attract more false rumors, which will not be good for the army's reputation."

Although Tamura remained silent, he disagreed, believing that Katsura Taro's "army" should be replaced with "Chōshū faction." This was because Tojo's reputation had spread widely among the people, and the Choshū faction's past comments about Tojo were naturally considered untrue. Hasegawa Yoshimichi's comment about Tojo being a "scholar who doesn't understand military strategy" was seen as a sign of Hasegawa's narrow-mindedness, which explained Hasegawa's dissatisfaction.

Although Katsura Taro and Terauchi Masatake opposed Tojo, they were slightly more astute than Admiral Hasegawa. They knew that the army could not completely confront the newspapers, as this would only cause public opinion to lean further towards the navy, thus tarnishing the reputation of the army, especially the Choshu faction.

Yamagata Aritomo was clearly aware of this, so after expressing his dissatisfaction with Tojo Hideaki, he immediately narrowed the scope of the discussion, stating the focus of today's meeting: "What are your views on the Bali incident? Did the Navy's actions overstep any boundaries?"

Tamura immediately responded: "The Navy's actions are definitely unconstitutional. According to the Constitution, the Navy's actions must be approved by the Emperor. However, this time the Navy invoked the Alliance's relief clause and took independent action by taking advantage of the emergency relief authority, and almost clashed with British warships. This action is very dangerous and risks dragging Japan into war. I believe that the Navy's actions should be questioned before the Emperor."

However, Terauchi Masatake raised a question at this time: "If the Navy proposes that the troops stationed in Korea have the right to independently quell the unrest, how should we refute it? Does that mean that all future military operations will need to be supervised by the Cabinet, and that the Emperor's orders alone are not enough?"

The questions raised by the tera clandestine have silenced the army's top brass. The navy's actions this time bypassed the emperor's command authority, but were actually guaranteed by an international cooperation agreement passed by the cabinet. The doubts raised by both sides are likely to strengthen the cabinet and the emperor's oversight of the military, which means that the military's power will be reduced. This is clearly a lose-lose situation for both the army and the navy.

End of this chapter

Chapter 771

On November 1, 1910, Lin Xinyi boarded a Japanese merchant ship in Batang bound for Shanghai, intending to return to China from there. His reason for leaving Bali by merchant ship was that negotiations with the Dutch were not yet over, but the Chinese government no longer wanted him to remain in Southeast Asia, fearing he might cause further trouble. Therefore, they telegraphed him to return home and report on the details of the Bali incident.

Hori Teikichi and Takano Isoroku came to see him off. Hori Teikichi was a little worried that Hayashi Shinichi would be questioned by his superiors when he returned to the country. After all, Hayashi Shinichi had taken full responsibility this time. Although some naval officers tacitly approved of the matter, they would not admit that they knew about it beforehand. Thus, the matter became an arbitrary act by Hayashi Shinichi, the naval staff officer.

However, Takano Isoroku was chatting and laughing with Hayashi Shinichi, even asking him to send him some photos he had taken in Bali after returning home as a souvenir. Hayashi Shinichi himself didn't seem worried at all; before boarding the ship, he said to the two, "Bali is truly a beautiful place. While you're here, you can look for a suitable location to build a naval sanatorium, so that naval officers can come here for vacations in the future..."

After Hayashi Shin-yi boarded the ship, Hori Teikichi finally couldn't help but say to Takano Isoroku, "The higher-ups probably won't take responsibility for this confrontation with the British warships, right? Aren't you worried that Hayashi-kun will be held accountable after returning home?"

Takano Isoroku maintained his nonchalant expression as he replied to his classmate, "Your scholarship is indeed the best among your peers, but do you know why the most outstanding one among your peers is Hayashi-kun and not you?"

Hori Teikichi didn't really want to discuss this issue, but after the Bali incident, he had to clarify his position, so he simply replied: "Some people always say that I am not convinced by Hayashi-kun, but these are all rumors. As the most outstanding graduate of the 32nd Marine Class, I have never denied that Hayashi-kun is so important."

Takano Isoroku stopped and looked at Hori Teikichi, smiling as he said, "You're really serious. That's why Hayashi is better than you. Hayashi himself doesn't care about the higher-ups' reactions, so why should we worry about him? From the day he enrolled, he's always been opposing the rules set by others and establishing his own. How many times have you seen him fail until today?"

We're within the rules, but he's outside them. I have serious doubts about the influence of the so-called anger of higher-ups. Frankly, this kind of freedom, unbound by rules, is truly enviable, but unfortunately, none of us can achieve it.

Hori Teikichi fell silent at Takano's remark. Takano's words made him realize that Hayashi Shinji had indeed been too calm during the standoff with the British warships. He made a decision before the British could react, taking advantage of their hesitation to break the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, and launched an attack on the Dutch. After the outbreak of the Japan-Dutch conflict, the British were even more unable to make a decision.

No naval officer would have dared to issue an order to attack Dutch warships in the name of a potential conflict with British warships. Hesitation could have led the British to use negotiations as a pretext to prevent a battle between Japanese and Dutch warships, which would have made the Dutch occupation of Bali a reality, at most protecting the Japanese and foreigners on the island from invasion.

The Bali incident actually demonstrated that the British warship commander was more disciplined than Lin Xinyi, and was thus constrained by the rules. Since Lin Xinyi was unwilling to follow the rules, he naturally wouldn't take the criticism from his superiors to heart. If naval regulations could have bound Lin Xinyi, he wouldn't have been in Bali in the first place.

While Hori Teikichi was deep in thought, Takano, gazing at the distant sea, had already turned his attention elsewhere. "Bali is indeed a good place. European rule in Asia is beginning to crumble. We absolutely cannot let the situation that Lin-kun has opened up slip away."

Hearing Takano's ambitious words, Hori Teikichi, despite holding a moderate stance of coexistence with Europe and America during the seminar, did not refute Takano's remarks at this moment. He did oppose a direct conflict with Europe and America because he believed Japan had no chance of winning, but if Japan were to win such a conflict, then that would naturally be a different story.

Before Hayashi Shin-yi launched the Bali plan, most people at the naval seminar were against it. They believed that the Dutch were backed by the British, and Japan could not even defend itself against the British Empire's full power, let alone its naval forces in the Indian Ocean. Therefore, provoking British interests in the South Pacific at this time was obviously a huge risk. Moreover, the American Great White Fleet was in the Pacific. If Britain and the United States joined forces against Japan, it would be even more of a loss.

Takano was one of the few who supported Hayashi Nobuyoshi. Like others, he saw no possibility of the Bali plan succeeding. However, he believed that the US Great White Fleet's global route indicated a lack of mutual trust between the US and Britain; otherwise, the US fleet's first stop would have been the British mainland across the Atlantic. Since the US and Britain lacked mutual trust, Japan's provocation of a conflict with the Netherlands at this time, even if unsuccessful, would not have serious consequences. After all, Britain still needed Japan to contain the expansion of the US navy in the Pacific.

Takano hadn't expected that Hayashi Shin-yi would be able to pull together an Asian alliance as Japan's backer, which greatly reduced the chances of a conflict between Japan and Britain. The Americans finally couldn't resist their ambitions for the East Indies and reached a tacit agreement with the Japanese Navy on the Bali incident. This plan, which was once considered impossible to succeed by the seminar, was completed by Hayashi Shin-yi.

The biggest impact of the Bali incident was that the regional order established by Britain in Southeast Asia had effectively collapsed. Previously, the British had guaranteed the existence of the Dutch East Indies and compelled other countries not to seize Dutch rule by force. However, now, these countries were using human rights issues to show concern for the indigenous people of the East Indies. While they did not deny Dutch rule, they recognized the indigenous people's right to defend themselves against Dutch tyranny.

The British were now in a rather awkward position. If they recognized the Dutch right to conquer the island natives by force, it would mean that all countries also had the right to seize colonies by force. Resisting tyranny was also a moral high ground for Britain and France against Germany. The French believed that the Germans had seized Alsace and Lorraine, while the British believed that Germany's support for Italy and Austria-Hungary's expansion in North Africa and Eastern Europe was immoral.

Compared to the importance of maintaining European order, the division of spheres of influence in the Far East was obviously secondary. If the British were still in the powerful Victorian era, they would naturally make the rules however they wanted, since no one could challenge the authority of the Royal Navy.